Cannabis
and Schools Boards
of Trustees' Responses
1.
Summary
This report examines the
strategies used by some schools to deal with students
caught with cannabis. It is based on in-depth interviews
with board of trustees chairpersons in ten Auckland
secondary or intermediate schools. Schools were selected
purposively so that a range of approaches to the issue
were covered. The schools stated policies for
dealing with students caught with cannabis, the
implementation of these policies and the issues arising
from these processes for boards are examined.
In all but one school
students had been suspended in the first instance by the
principal when caught with cannabis. The remaining school
did not isolate individuals and punish them but instead
identified a group of students considered `at risk
of cannabis use and treated it as a health and education
issue by requiring them all to attend a seminar on drugs
to which families were also invited.
In many of the schools
where students were suspended in the first instance,
boards of trustees chose to reinstate them, with
conditions, after hearing their cases. The conditions
assigned depended on the severity of the incident, the
students general behaviour and whether the board
considered the incident to be an education and health
issue, a disciplinary issue or both.
Those conditions aimed at
ensuring students received the knowledge and support they
needed to promote their educational and physical well
being included: the requirement to attend a drug
education or drug rehabilitation programme; undertaking a
project on drugs; and attending guidance counselling.
Those aimed at disciplining the student included:
detention; depriving the student of privileges; community
service either within or outside the school; separating
them temporarily from their peers, particularly during
breaks; and establishing behaviour contracts between the
student, parent(s) and school. Some schools combined a
range of conditions.
The aim of reinstatement
with conditions was to get the student to re-evaluate
their behaviour without disrupting their education.
However, all schools insisted that, if these conditions
were not taken seriously by the student, they risked
indefinite suspension/expulsion.
Boards of trustees who
made the decision to continue suspension indefinitely or
expel the student usually did so for more serious
incidents, such as supplying cannabis to others, or where
there was a history of disruptive behaviour. Where this
occurred boards saw it as in the interests of the student
and their peers in that it enabled the student to make a
new start elsewhere and prevented them from further
influencing their peers.
Dilemmas faced by board
members when attempting to determine the most appropriate
course of action for suspended students whose ongoing
management they had to decide on included: weighing up
the interests of the student against those of other
students and the school; avoiding passing on problems to
other schools; being aware that how the incident was
dealt with could affect future student enrolments;
weighing up the benefits of being open and public about
the incident against the costs of public perception that
the school had major drug problems; and assessing the
relative seriousness of cannabis use by students given
the perceived level of use in the wider community.
Schools that dealt with
alcohol-related incidents more leniently than
cannabis-related incidents did so because alcohol was
seen to be more socially acceptable and using cannabis
was against the law. Those schools which treated alcohol
and cannabis incidents similarly did so because they
considered any drug use at school unacceptable,
irrespective of its legal status.
All of the secondary
schools had drug education taught as part of the health
syllabus and a few also had private organisations which
came to the school. Respondents from these schools did
not feel in a position to comment at length on these
programmes. While one of the intermediate schools had not
had any such programmes, the other had had the DARE
programme the previous year. This school had received
comments from some parents that it had made their
children more inquisitive about drugs.
Respondents commented that
their boards faced a number of other issues throughout
the process of dealing with students caught with
cannabis. They felt that schools were being asked to deal
with what was essentially a societal problem, while there
were few if any initiatives undertaken outside schools to
deal with the issue. All commented that there were poor
links with their local community and there were no joint
school/community initiatives to deal with cannabis use by
students. Board members often felt that they were not
adequately resourced in terms of training, social support
or money to be making such important decisions about a
students future. In some students cases
cannabis use was perceived to be merely a symptom of more
general problems for which the student needed assistance.
Many felt that there were not enough social agencies or
referral centres that specialised in assisting students
and schools with these issues. Existing services were
perceived to be overworked or difficult to access.
Respondents stated that they would like to know more
about what other schools did in similar circumstances.
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2. Recommendations
The Board of Trustees
Association, the Principals Association and the Post
Primary Teachers Association establish networks to
facilitate exchange of information about strategies used
for dealing with cannabis use by students.
Schools strengthen health
promoting policies, conducive to preventing drug use and
other problems, within the school environment.
Existing community
organisations which provide information and support to
schools dealing with cannabis use and related problems of
students (e.g., the youth section of Community Alcohol
and Drugs Services; Children and Young Persons Service)
be strengthened.
Community action
initiatives be resourced to strengthen links between
school and community and enable development and
implementation of joint school/community/media
initiatives to deal with recreational drug use problems.
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3. Introduction
The highly publicised
suspension of students from Cambridge High School in both
June 1996 and February 1997 highlighted concerns amongst
parents, school boards and policy makers about cannabis
use in schools (NZ Herald 27/7/96). It also
intensified the debates about how best to deal with
cannabis use by students within the school environment.
While some supported the strict line taken by the school
to continue suspensions indefinitely or expel after the
initial hearing (NZ Herald 1/7/97), others
questioned the appropriateness of this approach (NZ
Herald 25/6/97; The Dominion 26/7/96; Listener
8/3/1997:13), and attention was drawn to the softer line
taken with those students from the same school caught
consuming alcohol (NZ Herald 15/2/97).
Ministry of Education
national suspension statistics for the first half of 1997
(January-June) showed that there were 6145 suspensions in
total: 1248 (20%) of them for incidents relating to drugs
other than alcohol and tobacco, 323 (5%) for alcohol and
234 (4%) for tobacco. There were no specific figures for
cannabis-related incidents but it might reasonably be
assumed that they would comprise the great majority of
those classified under drugs other than alcohol and
tobacco. Figures included definite (3 day) suspensions,
indefinite suspensions where the student was reinstated
by the board and those where they were not reinstated by
the board. Of the total suspensions two-thirds were three
day suspensions which did not go before the board. This
lesser form of suspension was given in the significant
majority of alcohol and tobacco incidents. (83% and 89%
respectively). However, three day suspensions were given
in only 30% of incidents involving drugs other than
alcohol and tobacco and, hence, in 70% of such cases an
indefinite suspension was given. Of 14 recorded
`offence categories this was the only one for which
indefinite suspensions outnumbered three day suspensions.
No trend data were available for drug-related suspensions
since such figures have only been collected since July
1996.
Media attention has tended
to focus on those schools which have taken a hard-line on
cannabis-related incidents, such as continued suspension
(for under 16 year olds) or expulsion. While it seems
that immediate temporary suspension of students is common
for cannabis incidents, many schools employ a range of
strategies for further management rather than extending
suspension or expelling. In addition, some schools do not
necessarily suspend at all. However, little media
attention has been given to these many other management
approaches. This research aims to rectify this omission.
It was undertaken in order to share information and
encourage debate about the various strategies used to
deal with cannabis in schools.
The research objectives
were:
- To outline the
policies of ten Auckland secondary or
intermediate schools for management of students
caught using cannabis.
- To highlight the
issues arising from the implementation of such
policies for Board of Trustee members.
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4. Background
Schools' policies for
cannabis are usually part of an overall drug and alcohol
policy. However, some schools may not have a particular
drug and alcohol policy, in which case cannabis-related
incidents would be dealt with under the policy for
student discipline. Such policies are usually developed
by the Board of Trustees and have to be set within the
legislative parameters of the Education Act 1989.
Although schools can state the likely outcome for a
particular behaviour, they can not make absolute
statements about outcome, since each case must be
examined individually and mitigating circumstances must
be considered. the Ministry of Educations 1996
guidelines for principals and Boards of Trustees
regarding suspension and expulsion of students quoted
from the proceedings of a 1990 legal case concerning
alcohol use by students which set a precedent in this
area. It stated that:
Schools may have a
general policy towards alcohol and drugs, but cases of
alcohol and drug use must not be resolved automatically
in accordance with such policy. Principals and boards
instead must carefully consider all the circumstances of
each individual case before deciding whether or not
individual alcohol related conduct amounts to gross
misconduct. It may be troublesome, but it must be done.
(Ministry of Education 1996:24)
The Ministry's guidelines
also recommend that schools try a number of other
measures before resorting to suspension, which should be
considered a disciplinary measure of last
resort (Ministry of Education 1996:9). A number of
alternatives to suspension are suggested.
- A cooling
off period where the student is isolated or
sent to another area of the school for a period
of time.
- Behaviour contracts
developed in partnership with the student and
parent(s).
- A hui process for
students and family/whanau to meet to discuss the
issues.
- Involvement in
education courses or programmes such as a drug
education programme.
Under the Education Act
1989, suspension and expulsion can only be used for
behaviour that can be classified as gross
misconduct. The 1990 legal case which has set the
precedent on this issue defined gross
misconduct as actions that are striking and
reprehensible. However, even in such cases
suspension must only be used after due consideration of
the case, rather than being an automatic response.
These statutory approaches
are designed for the protection of children. They are not
to be sacrificed to administrative or disciplinary
efficiency, or some supposed need for absolute certainty.
Results must not be fixed; they must instead be fair.
(Ministry of Education 1996:28).
The principal is the only
person who has the authority to suspend a student in the
first instance and s/he can make her/his own
interpretation of the term gross misconduct,
although this is usually guided by the board's policy. If
the principal decides to suspend a student, s/he can
initiate either a definite or an indefinite suspension. A
definite suspension is for a period of 3 days or less. No
student can be given a definite suspension more than once
in each calendar year. The Board is not involved in this
decision but they do receive a written report from the
principal, as do the student's parents. An indefinite
suspension is for an unspecified period.
In the event of the
principal suspending a student under 16 years old
indefinitely, the board is required to meet within seven
days of the suspension to hear the case. Not all schools
have disciplinary committees and where this is the case
the whole board must meet. The Education Act 1989
stipulates simply that the `board' must meet to hear the
case. The principal is required to send a written report
to board members and parents within 24 hours of this
hearing. At the hearing the board hears the
students case and then decides whether they should
be reinstated or whether the suspension should be
extended. They might suggest such courses of action as
reinstatement of the student with conditions attached,
such as a behaviour contract or a requirement to undergo
counselling. Although a student under 16 can not be
expelled because education is compulsory until 16 years,
they may receive an indefinite suspension until their
16th birthday. If the student is 16 years or over, the
hearing with the board need not occur until the next
scheduled meeting because school is not compulsory for
these students. The board will then hear the case and
decide on the outcome. In this case the board have the
same options as above but can also consider expulsion.
Students and their parents
can choose to bring advocates or support people to their
hearing. This may be family/whanau members, a lawyer, a
member of the Youth Law Project, or some other support
person. The Ministry of Education guidelines recommend
allowing an appeal. This recommendation goes beyond the
Education Act, which makes no mention of an appeal
procedure. However, the only forms of appeal available at
present are the Ombudsman, who can only make
recommendations, and a judicial review through the high
courts which is very expensive.
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5. Research Methods
Ten Auckland secondary or
intermediate schools that had dealt with the issue of
cannabis in the school in the previous year were chosen
to take part in this research. In order to cover a range
of policy approaches our sampling was purposive (Patton
1990), in that we purposely selected schools whose
approaches we believed would differ from each other and
cover a range of strategies. Since we did not know in
advance the schools particular policy or approach
to cannabis we chose schools according to their general
approach to health and disciplinary issues assuming that
these would be philosophically consistent with their
approach to dealing students caught with cannabis. This
selection was made through consultation with a number of
people working in advisory positions to schools on health
issues or related matters. In addition, attention was
paid to ensuring that schools were chosen from different
geographical areas within Auckland and that the selection
included the full socio-economic range of student
populations.
In each case the
chairperson of the Board of Trustees disciplinary
committee or, where there was no such committee, the
chairperson of the Board was then invited to participate
in the research. The person holding this position was
considered likely to offer the best view of the dilemmas,
complexities and ambiguities faced when setting and
implementing such policies. In retrospect, a limitation
of choosing this person, rather than the principal or
guidance counsellor, was that the board member only had
direct involvement in cases where an indefinite
suspension had occurred. Fortunately, in the one school
where a cannabis-related incident did not result in
suspensions, the chairperson of the board was aware of
the process used through a close relationship with the
principal and staff.
Prospective participants
were first contacted by phone and then sent an
information sheet outlining the project and what was
involved. All but one discussed the project with other
board members and/or the principal before agreeing to
participate. Two declined participation, one because the
principal felt that there had been "too much
research" in the school, and the other because it
was not supported by the rest of the board. The board
chairpersons of two more schools were then approached,
both of whom agreed to participate.
Of the ten schools that
took part, two were intermediate schools and the
remaining eight were secondary schools, two were single
sex schools (one girls and one boys) while
the remaining eight were coeducational, and one was a
Catholic school integrated into the state system.
Geographically, two schools were located in South
Auckland, one in the eastern suburbs, three in the
central area, two in West Auckland and two on the North
Shore. Three of the schools catered for students from
throughout Auckland which meant that their student
population could not be considered to reflect the area in
which the school was located.
Four of the schools were
in the process of dealing with cannabis-related incidents
at the time of the interview.
Once consent had been
obtained, a face-to-face interview was undertaken. The
interviews were semi-structured, covering details of the
schools drugs policy, how it compared to their
policy on alcohol and tobacco, how it was implemented,
and difficulties and dilemmas encountered in its
implementation. The interviews, which lasted around 45
minutes, were audio-taped and transcribed and the
transcriptions were then analysed. Both the interviewing
and analysis were undertaken by Sally Abel, an
experienced qualitative researcher.
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